The Hon. (Mrs.) Rohini Kumari Wijerathna

¶ 01 Hon. Deputy Chairperson of Committees, thank you for this opportunity.

¶ 02 I see the 1985-1991 terror as a destruction wrought by foolish, arrogant, power-hungry politics, which should have been prevented. The continuity of human society depends on lessons learned from the past. For me — someone who escaped death in the 1989 JVP terror and lives an extended span — speaking in this debate on tragedies that must never recur is a solemn duty. Abraham Lincoln said that because the chances of a struggle blooming are slim, one must not refrain from taking part in a righteous cause.

¶ 03 I speak of a tragedy with no victor: only defeat, sorrow, loss, regret, and the disabled remain, still unhealed. Every ruler — President and Prime Minister — since then has, without the courage to confront crimes by their own sides, avoided bringing the 1985-1991 second insurrection of the JVP to a conclusion. From 1992 to 2024, no leader has brought the 1987-1989 events to an end.

¶ 04 In 1991 President R. Premadasa appointed a Youth Unrest Commission, sought the causes of the second insurrection, and attempted to evolve a strategy to prevent uprisings and massacres in North and South. As a result, many were recruited to public service through exams. From 1992, President D.B. Wijetunge allowed the JVP to do politics without hindrance, enabling Janith Vipulaguna of the MEP to enter Parliament from Hambantota in 1993. In 1994, President Chandrika Kumaratunga formed a government together with the JVP; even Lionel Ranasinghe, convicted of killing Vijaya Kumaratunga, was among JVP leaders with whom a caretaker government was formed. In 2002, the JVP acted to topple the UNP government. In 2005, the JVP joined to establish Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government. In 2010, the UNP and JVP joined to support Sarath Fonseka on the same stage. In 2015, in the name of good governance, the UNP and JVP worked together for the Maithri era. In 2018, during the 52-day government, to protect Ranil Wickremesinghe’s government, they moved a no-confidence — Hon. Wijith Herath will recall. During those 52 days, they worked with then Minister Malik Samarawickrama. Those same people now work under Malimawa to run this government. In 2024, President Ranil Wickremesinghe helped bring the JVP/NPP to power — do not forget that. From 1990 to 2024, the State set aside the 1985-1991 terror to move the country forward — that is why I said this.

¶ 05 After a scuffle with Minister Gamini Lokuge on terror, President Ranil Wickremesinghe got entangled with Al Jazeera. In truth, the Progressive Party lured the Government into this trap, and the Government fell into it. Today a generation that knows nothing of 1987-1991 speaks of terror; we see posts. The Batalanda Commission itself notes that the threat from insurgents could be effectively suppressed because there were counter-insurgency units in those areas.

¶ 06 Meaning: if not for detention centers and police-military units across Sri Lanka, violence would have continued and normal life could not have been maintained. Hon. Deputy Chair, the JVP killed 6,661 people. I tabled part of that name list. I do not know how the Speaker felt.

¶ 07 Hon. Deputy Chair, this missed political struggle is a tragedy built on 41,813 corpses. Reports say 67,652 died between 1987 and 1990. I examined this over time, but could not find evidence for the higher figures. Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and former Minister Vasudeva Nanayakkara know how it became sixty-plus thousand; ask them for details.

¶ 08 For 35 years documents lay hidden; I intend to table many today. There is a list titled “Attacks on the UNP.” I have a duty to table it on behalf of parties not represented here. Also, parties not allied to SJB or UNP asked me to speak of the losses to their families; I will table those lists.

¶ 09 Hon. Deputy Chair, Hon. Sunil Watagala said the NSSP was not involved in clashes. True; Vikramabahu or Vasudeva were not involved. Yet two of their close relations were murdered; I will table that list. Vikramabahu himself was shot twice.

¶ 10 There is a list of Communist Party members killed by the JVP — 43. Next, an LSSP list — 22 killed. Next, Sri Lanka Mahajana Party — 141 killed. I have those lists.

¶ 11 Also, four members of the Independent Students’ Union were killed; among Socialist Equality Party and other leftists — 24 killed. A large list of Buddhist monks killed by the JVP will also be tabled as Annex 1.

¶ 12 Not only names of the dead; our Hon. Members will table documents on bombings at various times. From Matale District, out of 420 killed, 171 names; from my electorate, out of 98 killed, 83 names — I will table.

¶ 13 We must ask, from the middle ground, what mistakes both sides made to allow these killings. Otherwise, can we resolve this by throwing stones across the aisle? We must speak from the middle, to prevent recurrence.

¶ 14 In truth, the single reason many I named were killed was because they worked with the Indian government, believed in Provincial Councils and devolution, or were leftist forces opposing the UNP and SLFP governments. Whatever party or opinion, these killings occurred because they stood for democratic political rights. Thus, whoever did them, from both sides, Sri Lankans and Indian Peace Keeping Force soldiers were killed — I must state that.

¶ 15 Last week, Indian PM Narendra Modi went to “Ape Gama” and commemorated fallen Indian soldiers, including 29 killed by the JVP. Though our media did not show it, Indian media gave it prominence. From 1986 to 1990, however many died, they were not foreigners — they were our citizens. Do not forget that.

¶ 16 On 30 May 2014, Hon. Anura Kumara Dissanayake told BBC Sandeshaya: he “apologizes” for killings during the terror. I table that.

¶ 17 On 22 Nov 2017, in Parliament, he said 1988-1989 was a civil war. He quoted that war is not a dinner party; that in war, things happen that should not happen; that even in their party such things happened; and he expressed honest regret and pain. I table the relevant Hansard pages 898-899 as Annex 2.

¶ 18 These statements are commendable. I say the State has the moral authority to suppress a civil war, because war is not a dinner party. I believe both Government and Opposition hold views on this. Do not forget, this was not waged only with guns and bullets from one side, but also with blades and clubs from the other. We had five opportunities to prevent this; we must speak from the middle because of that.

¶ 19 First, in March 1988, President J.R. Jayewardene invited the JVP for talks through southern planter Malinga Herman Gunaratne. I table Herman’s letter to Rohana Wijeweera (Annex 4) from “A Country Held in Thorns and the Price of Peace,” pages 111-113. At that time, not even a hundred had died. If accepted, it could have been stopped at 100.

¶ 20 Second, Herman freed JVP leader Shantha Bandara and handed him to his sister in Pitakotte. After that, the JVP increased killings two or three-fold. J.R. wrote to Shantha Bandara: “You were released to find a path for talks. That was not fulfilled. Your party increased the rate of killings. As a result, by freeing you, I am held responsible for escalating violence and have brought disrepute on the Government.” I table relevant documents (Placed in the Library).

¶ 21 Hon. Deputy Chair: Your time is over, Hon. Member.

¶ 22 Give me one more minute.

¶ 23 Third, when an attempt was made to field Sirimavo Bandaranaike as common candidate, if the JVP had supported it, the UNP would not have won. That too was an opportunity you had to prevent the situation.

¶ 24 Next, look at the JVP’s prominent press release of 23 November 1988.

¶ 25 Hon. Deputy Chair: Please conclude.

¶ 26 I conclude.

¶ 27 This became a wave of killings after the honeymoon with the SLFP ended. To the previous Minister who spoke of his father: your father, President R. Premadasa, said at Pattirippuwa that he was ready for any talks towards meaningful solutions and would provide all necessary security. He lifted Emergency, released 1,800 detainees, and invited talks to come within democracy. Thus there were opportunities to stop it. He also convened an All-Party Conference and issued a joint statement. If Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara is listening, ask Vasudeva Nanayakkara about it.

¶ 28 President Premadasa also wrote to Wijeweera; Wijeweera rejected it. For lack of time, I table my document “Debate on Batalanda Report - No. 05” containing five such opportunities (Placed in the Library).

¶ 29 Because these five opportunities were missed, so many were killed and we speak today. Whether the dead were killed by Government or by the JVP — had your present stance on India existed then, we could have avoided this.

¶ 30 If tomorrow, by taking up arms, killing civilians and members of the security forces, an “aragalaya” arises, the Government must state how it will suppress such a civil war. I request that from this House.