The Hon. Ananda Wijepala - Minister of Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs

¶ 01 Hon. Deputy Chairperson of Committees, the Hon. Harshana Rajakaruna sought to justify a specific incident regarding the Batalanda torture camp. Hon. Member, by picking isolated incidents and narrating them, we cannot justify the whole. We must consider this as a whole and examine it.

¶ 02 Hon. Deputy Chairperson, you know: in 1981, the Jaffna District Development Council election was disrupted, and then the heart and mind of the Tamil people, the Jaffna Public Library, was burnt, denying democracy to the people of the North and laying the groundwork for war. In 1983, “Black July” was created; our party was banned; democracy was suppressed; a tyrannical regime of Ranil, J.R., and Premadasa led to tens of thousands of our youth being killed. Today we are debating one torture camp related to the youth thus killed—the debate on the Batalanda Commission Report. Many in the Opposition tried to justify Batalanda and, by extension, many brutal happenings of that era, thus attempting to whitewash the tyrannical regimes of Ranil, J.R., and Premadasa. There is a recorded history of many torture camps in this country, not just Batalanda, victimizing youth who dreamed of a just society and stood against injustice.

¶ 03 Hon. Deputy Chairperson, when we study history properly we can understand justice and injustice. The Batalanda Commission Report is not the only one; there were four other commission reports shedding much light on these processes. They record substantial facts, including that the JVP was not involved in many of the racist riots and that many of their decisions were, at the time, justified by their circumstances. These four reports repeatedly emphasize this.

¶ 04 Not only were youth killed unlawfully, but their rights were stripped so they could not come forward. A large number of police officers were also victimized; officers were killed as well. The other three reports record many facts brought by parents of the disappeared: 2,777 in the Western Province, 4,549 in the Southern, 1,413 in Sabaragamuwa, 1,982 in North Western, 1,137 in North Central, 1,387 in Uva, 1,936 in Central, and 1,082 in Northern and Eastern—altogether 16,263 complaints relating to killings, disappearances and abductions. Judges studied these and made recommendations. We must discuss this with the correct history, not reduce it to a couple of incidents.

¶ 05 Hon. Deputy Chairperson, a very sensitive matter: 44 children under 14 years of age were killed under the tyrannical J.R.–Premadasa regime. While such atrocities occurred, we now revisit Batalanda. The Batalanda Commission Report also mentions torture sites maintained by local politicians. Let me briefly list mass graves and sites: Hokandara mass grave and torture site nearby; Gampaha Essella School mass grave; Gampaha Wawuchulkale mass grave; Walpita Government Farm mass grave; Ambagahahena Kanda mass grave; Bemmulla mass grave; Kottawa forest; Yakkalamulla mass grave; Dickwella, Matara, Diyadawakaley, Deniyaya, Wilpita, Akurassa mass graves; Ankumbura and Matale mass graves; Sooriyawewa mass grave, etc., all linked to killings by certain local politicians, as revealed in commission reports. This shows the fate imposed on our youth who asked for democracy, justice and fairness, and presented a vision for a new world. In 1983, the JVP was banned and democracy denied, creating a great calamity for society. Today’s debate is on one such apparatus of oppression—the Batalanda camp—and these reports name Ranil Wickremesinghe as directly connected.

¶ 06 Further, I must highlight a particular police officer regarding the attack on the Sapugaskanda Police Station. Pages 147–148 of the Batalanda Commission Report state:

¶ 07 “I. On 16 July 1989 at around 11.00 p.m., a group attacked the Sapugaskanda Police Station.

¶ 08 II. A bomb explosion initiated the attack from outside. The bomb exploded in an upstairs toilet of the station.

¶ 09 III. Due to injuries sustained, OIC IP Lalith Mahanama and two other officers died.

¶ 10 IV. In the police counterattack, two assailants, including one Sumith Perera alias ‘Kaluwa’, died.

¶ 11 V. The said Sumith Perera was a brother-in-law of Sunil Perera alias ‘Gonawala Sunil’.”

¶ 12 It further records that the entire families of Sumith Perera and Sunil Perera were known activists and intimates of the then ruling UNP.

¶ 13 “VI. The initial investigation into the attack was not conducted with the urgency and objective of bringing the perpetrators to justice.”

¶ 14 This indicates the attack was conspiratorially planned by elements including Gonawala Sunil, a notorious underworld figure and a close associate of J.R. Jayewardene. The police did not conduct a proper investigation; it was suppressed.

¶ 15 “VII. The identities of the other attackers who escaped could not be ascertained.

¶ 16 VIII. The true identity of Sumith Perera alias ‘Kaluwa’ was deliberately suppressed by the initial investigators.

¶ 17 IX. During the initial investigation, a suspect called Shanthalaal was arrested by officers of the Kelaniya Anti-Subversive Unit. Under questioning he admitted participation and said he had planted a bomb given by Sumith Perera alias ‘Kaluwa’ inside the station.”

¶ 18 Hon. Deputy Chairperson, this conspiracy led to the deaths of three police officers. It was those very elements—Ranil’s associates and relatives of Gonawala Sunil—who attacked the police. Thereafter, the police pursued IP Rohitha Priyadarshana, alleging involvement.

¶ 19 “X. Although such evidence was available, it was suppressed, and later the said suspect disappeared under highly suspicious circumstances while in police custody.”

¶ 20 Further, the Report says:

¶ 21 “XI. Rohitha Priyadarshana was a young, dynamic police officer—honest and fearless—who solved cases in Kelaniya and did not care for culprits’ political connections.

¶ 22 XII. At the time of the attack and until he disappeared on 20 February 1990, he was attached to Sapugaskanda Police.

¶ 23 XIII. At the time of the attack he was on duty outside and rushed back upon hearing the explosion and gunfire.

¶ 24 XIV. There is no evidence that he had any connection with the attack or conspiracy.

¶ 25 XV. In early February 1990 he arrested one Tudor Perera, a suspect in serious crimes, who was also a brother-in-law of Sunil Perera alias Gonawala Sunil.”

¶ 26 “XVI. Relatives of Tudor Perera complained to Ranil Wickremesinghe about his arrest.

¶ 27 XVII. On the night of 20 February 1990, when Rohitha Priyadarshana was officer-in-charge of duty (S.D.O.) at Sapugaskanda, the OIC, IP Keerthi Athapattu, had gone to a discussion at Biyagama Village Hotel.

¶ 28 XVIII. Around 8.00 p.m. IP Athapattu telephoned Priyadarshana instructing him to come to the hotel. Shortly after leaving the station for the hotel, Priyadarshana never returned to the station or to his home.”

¶ 29 They made this officer disappear. Days later his body was seen floating in the Kelani River; when his father went to identify it the next morning, the body had also disappeared. I mention this to show that not only children under 14 but even honest police officers performing their duties were assassinated under a conspiratorial government. The Batalanda Commission reveals many such conspiracies.

¶ 30 Time is limited, but I will briefly answer points raised by Hon. Mujibur Rahman. Recently, a youth working at a modern shopping complex in central Colombo was arrested. Analysis of his phone and social media activity revealed contacts with persons exposed to extremist lectures propagated by Saharan related to the Easter attacks, and with a main suspect in a case before the Colombo High Court Trial-at-Bar. His YouTube channel had been suspended by the platform, which typically occurs for content violating community standards. A covert inquiry found he had printed and pasted stickers using the shop’s computer and billing printer without authorization. He appeared to be self-motivated, influenced by recent propaganda by ISIS encouraging more suicide attacks during Ramadan, displaying tendencies posing a national security and public order threat. He was arrested by the Counter-Terrorism and Investigation Division on 22.03.2025 and detained for 72 hours for questioning and was to be further remanded initially.

¶ 31 Further inquiry showed that while he had no direct operational links to the Easter plotters, his phonebook contained contacts of about 25 persons connected to training camps or associates of Saharan. Interviews with family indicated he lived in isolation, had little peer interaction, lacked formal early religious education and consumed online material later. He avoided mosques earlier and later worshiped at home; a friend revealed his anxiety due to perceived lack of parental attention. He showed strong fixation on conspiracies about Western control via social media and admitted he could be provoked to kill a lone Western national before pasting a sticker. He moved court at Aththanagalla for bail. Considering his age (now 22) and that six years have passed since Easter, and that the phone was allegedly used by both him and his father—who is now absconding—we released him on conditions mindful of his future, though inquiries continue.

¶ 32 We will allow no extremism or racism. If needed, we will bring laws beyond the PTA to act firmly. Recently, former Minister Chandrakanthan (Pillayan) was arrested by the CID on revelations linking him to the Easter attacks; investigations continue. No crime will be covered up; no perpetrator will be allowed impunity. We will act on intelligence judiciously, without being captive to it, and we will protect communal harmony among Muslims, Tamils and Sinhalese, ensuring counselling and a supportive environment where needed. We will proceed cautiously to prevent any recurrence.

¶ 33 Thank you, Hon. Deputy Chairperson of Committees.