The Hon. Kabir Hashim

¶ 01 Mr. Speaker, first, I thank our Party Leader for this opportunity.

¶ 02 When President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the JVP presented their first Budget, it felt like Ranil Wickremesinghe’s third Budget: strategic restructuring, debt restructuring, international partnerships, and alignment with IMF are all confirmed. Key proposals include tax increases, cost-reflective pricing for power and fuel, privatization/public-private partnerships, and releasing land to the private sector—despite attempting to present a socialist veneer, this is a neoliberal, open-economy Budget. If our SJB were in government and Hon. Harsha de Silva presented this, I would still oppose several items—even the IMF would disagree with some—contained here.

¶ 03 Strangely, the JVP’s 156 MPs are silent—everything is fine, privatization included. A Budget sets the state’s economic strategy—a roadmap. This Budget’s roadmap shows that, on 17 February 2025, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake dispelled the myth of the so-called 74-year “curse” by embracing what they long condemned.

¶ 04 Policies you once said were harmful to the economy, a national security threat, or against sovereignty, and railed against on your platforms, you have now presented and sanctioned—“halal-ized,” so to speak. The President even suggested celebrating a “Sri Lankan Day”; if so, it should be 17th February, the day you endorsed what you once denounced.

¶ 05 For decades, at your rallies, you vilified our late UNP leaders—D.S. Senanayake, Dudley Senanayake, J.R. Jayewardene, Ranasinghe Premadasa—even after their passing. Yet on 17 February you exonerated them by adopting their policies. However, you also betrayed those who sacrificed their lives in 1971 and 1989 for Marxism and socialism. None of you spoke for them. We express regret to their families; you have abandoned them.

¶ 06 In the 2024 General Election, millions—farmers, workers, youth, middle class, professionals—voted for you because you said: - Sri Lanka’s woes stem from a failed economic model. - The IMF deal signed by Ranil Wickremesinghe and the debt restructuring caused suffering. - Corruption and the mafia between politicians and businesses made people poor.

¶ 07 Left economists said, “Without re-reviewing the IMF programme and debt restructuring, there can be no system change.” Yet none of that is in this Budget. Now you go with the IMF and proceed with debt restructuring as is. That is your next betrayal.

¶ 08 Your platform was like a cinema screen—selling hatred about a “74-year curse,” stirring anger. There is a song “Pitakawarayā” by Sanjeev Lonliyes, lyrics by Aththidiye Punnaratana Thero—about judging by the cover. People looked at the tattoo and wrote the character—just as your cadres saw the cover “Das Kapital,” but inside it was Adam Smith’s “The Wealth of Nations.” This Budget is neoliberal through and through.

¶ 09 We in SJB admit our camp also had faults over 74 years. We formed SJB to correct ourselves. We have the courage for self-criticism and change. You cited the Jaffna Library arson; yes, our party’s name was unfairly linked because two of our Ministers were in Jaffna then. Ranil Wickremesinghe later apologized in Parliament. But did you recall that the JVP attacked the Sri Dalada Maligawa? Have you apologized for that?

¶ 10 On the 74-year “curse,” you bear much responsibility: - In the early 1980s, when Sri Lanka pioneered Free Trade Zones, Deng Xiaoping sent a team to study and copy our model—helping China become a manufacturing powerhouse. We stagnated, partly because your leader Rohana Wijeweera declared foreign investors would be expelled within 24 hours without compensation under a JVP government. Many investors withdrew. - In 1981–82, Toyota, Mazda and Honda considered setting up in Sri Lanka. JVP-led unions protested, and those investments went to Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia—costing us jobs. - The 1980 White Paper on Education—one of the most progressive reforms—was opposed by JVP unions; we lost English-medium education for generations, while your children today study in international schools and overseas universities. - In 1981, plans for the Ragama Medical University were torched in 1988, later shut; Malaysia then recruited our professors and created the International Medical University. For 25–30 years Sri Lankan students have spent foreign exchange studying there. Who bears that cost?

¶ 11 You now have approved a private medical university at NSBM—will you proceed? Have you truly changed?

¶ 12 Your Budget echoes Ranil Wickremesinghe’s: - Land: You propose identifying underutilized state lands and directing them to private investors, including SMEs, with Rs. 250 million for initial work—essentially giving land to the private sector. Ranil said the same in 2024: lease unused state land for productive use. But what of landless citizens and housing? You have not addressed them. - Investment law and PPP law: Ranil initiated these; you now propose an Investment Protection Bill and PPPs. - Customs reform and National Single Window: again, Ranil’s agenda you now adopt.

¶ 13 On your oft-repeated pledge to allocate 6% of GDP to education: you have failed. Education allocation rose only about 12% over last year (from Rs. 240 billion to Rs. 271 billion)—insufficient.

¶ 14 On IMF conditionality: we argued we would not accept every condition blindly. IMF recommends capping primary expenditure at 13% of GDP—fewer than 10 countries do this; many spend near 15–20% on key services. The effect is cutting capital and social spending. The Government has not sought to recalibrate these terms.

¶ 15 On development responsibilities: three Ministries most critical to development—Science and Technology; Trade, Commerce, Food Security and Co-operative Development; and Industry and Entrepreneurship Development—receive relatively low allocations (about Rs. 208 billion combined, as I understand). SMEs under Industry are key; Hon. Harsha de Silva highlighted their needs yesterday.

¶ 16 On wages and cost of living: you set aside Rs. 345 billion to raise salaries of 1.4 million public servants. But about 6 million are in the informal/private sector with no support. Even for lower-grade public servants, the net monthly gain of Rs. 5,900 is wiped out by higher staple prices: rice up from Rs. 180 to Rs. 260/kg (Rs. 2,400 more per month for 30 kg), coconuts up from Rs. 100 to Rs. 240 each (Rs. 4,200 more for 30 nuts). That’s Rs. 6,600 extra just for rice and coconut—before salt and other essentials—exceeding the Rs. 5,900 salary increase. This is not a pro-poor Budget; it dazzles the public but does not relieve their burden.

¶ 17 On facilitation: the President told the Ceylon Chamber that investment approvals taking two-plus years should be cut to 82 days—good. But citizens still wait months for passports. While you court investors, you have not eased basic services for the people.

¶ 18 Finally, your principal advisers appear drawn from the Chamber; notably its Chairman, who also heads a company alleged to have tax issues, is an adviser—how then will revenues be strengthened? The Chamber traditionally invites the Opposition to its Economic Summit; this time we were not invited. Either Government captured the Chamber or vice versa. This is not healthy for democratic discourse.

¶ 19 In sum, this is a neoliberal Budget akin to Ranil’s prior Budgets, while the Government once decried such policies as a 74-year curse. If you now accept these policies, you owe the nation an apology for obstructing them for decades—and a commitment to truly prioritize people: land and housing for the landless, adequate education funding, SME revival, realistic renegotiation of fiscal constraints, and tangible cost-of-living relief.