The Hon. Jeevan Thondaman

¶ 01 Hon. Presiding Member, first let me pay my respects. Today I wish to place my views on the political situation.

¶ 02 Yesterday in this House, I raised issues concerning the people living in the estates, including Nuwara Eliya District, and what solutions should be provided. I spoke with good intent. As the Ceylon Workers’ Congress, we have already discussed with the Indian High Commission and Elpitiya Plantations PLC to provide houses to those affected in the Dunsinane Estate, and we have obtained letters of consent from both parties. I clearly stated this here. They have sent these to the Ministry, but to date we have not received any response. We have done what we must. We definitely need the Ministry’s cooperation for this work. If there is a landslide tomorrow causing loss of life, who will be responsible? Therefore, I request that this be taken into consideration.

¶ 03 There are three matters concerning the up-country. I served five years in government — first as a State Minister and later for a year as a Cabinet-rank Minister. The key issue everyone discusses is wages. This wage issue comes up every two or three years, and each time we end up auctioning off plantation workers for Rs. 1,000, Rs. 1,500, Rs. 2,000, or Rs. 3,000. But no permanent solution has been taken. Poverty in the plantation sector will be reduced only if we move away from the daily-wage model.

¶ 04 In 2020, we obtained a Rs. 1,000 monthly basic wage for plantation workers. In 2024, we increased their basic wage to Rs. 1,350. Why do I raise this now while being in the ruling party? Because some leaders of trade unions who now support the government said we deceived the people and only gave Rs. 1,350. When we asked them for a solution then, they said the daily basic wage should be Rs. 2,138. Today, they are in the ruling party with a two-thirds majority. If they wish, they can provide that. I have not come to criticize you for the sake of criticism. I have come so that both sides can together tell the people the truth.

¶ 05 We negotiated with the 20 plantation companies and we know how hard it was to increase wages. Raising the basic wage is no simple matter. It is easy, when in opposition, to demand Rs. 2,000 or Rs. 3,000 per day for plantation workers. But even to add Rs. 10 requires great effort amid difficulties. A key reason is the dominance of plantation companies. We cannot wrongly cast this solely as a government problem.

¶ 06 Earlier there was a collective agreement. Based on that, we negotiated and increased wages each time. In 2020, some politically branded the collective agreement “a slave charter.” We then abrogated it and obtained wage increases through the Wages Board. Today, the Wages Board comes under the Ministry of Labour. If the Minister wishes, he can convene the Wages Board and grant a Rs. 2,000 basic wage.

¶ 07 I make a humble request to the ruling party. To provide a permanent solution, the entire daily-wage system must be set aside. If we are to permanently solve the wage problem of roughly 150,000 plantation workers, we must introduce an alternative model — perhaps an Outgrower system or a revenue-sharing model — and regulate it. If introduced, workers will certainly receive pay commensurate with their labour. There is no use repeatedly speaking about the daily-wage model. Today you are in government; those in opposition will say “increase wages for plantation workers.” If they come to power tomorrow, you will say the same from the opposition. There is no use repeating this every 2–3 years.

¶ 08 When I became a minister in 2020, not a single person from the opposition helped me regarding the up-country. I do not wish to carry on such a political culture. There are many new members here. I have nearly five years of parliamentary experience. I was not a minister in a golden era; it was a difficult period. I worked truthfully by my conscience. That is why, among the former cabinet, I alone was re-elected to Parliament this time. Even so, I am ready to give my fullest cooperation to the government. With the strength you now have in Parliament, you can certainly give a permanent solution to the up-country people. I do not expect it immediately, nor do the people, because you have just come to power. But understand this: the people have great trust in you. You have five years. We do not expect everything to change overnight, but we do expect that during your tenure, a permanent solution will be brought.

¶ 09 All of you must note: when we speak here, we say everyone in the hills must be given a separate house. Let us be realistic. We all know the state of the economy; even the Hon. Prime Minister knows running the country is difficult. Why give false promises? Speaking generally, when I took over as State Minister of Estate and Community Infrastructure in 2020, the valuation to build a 550-square-foot house was Rs. 950,000. Then came COVID and the economic crisis. After that, building the same 550-square-foot house required nearly Rs. 3.2 million. That is why I say this.

¶ 10 As Minister for Estate Infrastructure, the total allocation for my ministry was only Rs. 3,000 million per year. We repeatedly asked for an increase, but it was not given. In the forthcoming budget, unless allocations, specifically to the Ministry of Estate and Community Infrastructure, are increased, we cannot work as intended. Of that Rs. 3,000 million, only Rs. 500 million is working capital. How can one work with that? Our up-country community lives across ten districts, nearly one million people. To build a five-classroom school in the estates costs about Rs. 150 million. With Rs. 500 million, we can build only three schools. Can we expect change in the estates like that? It is not about who comes to government or becomes minister; the opportunity to work simply does not exist.

¶ 11 I cited house valuations to show that when a house cost Rs. 950,000, we could build 1,000–2,000 houses a year. Now, with a house costing Rs. 3.2 million, the ministry can only build around 200–300 houses a year. But there are 251,000 families in the hills, of which 66,000 have received houses. Since 1972, successive governments have built houses, yet there is no change. So the issue is not just housing; it is land. Our people need land rights.

¶ 12 Today, any person who has lived anywhere for seven years has a right to own that land. My people have been living there for 200 years, generation after generation. Yet their children are still labeled “outsiders” by estate superintendents. How is that just? To end this, we must remove people’s settlements from plantation company agreements — take over human settlements under the government. If the government assumes responsibility, change will come.

¶ 13 Think: in estate areas, anything to be done must be done by PHDT. That agency alone builds roads, schools, and houses. Why can’t the Education Ministry build school buildings in estate areas? Why can’t the Road Ministry build roads? Why can’t the Housing Ministry build houses? If we are to integrate up-country people into the national mainstream, the government’s benefits must reach them.

¶ 14 Given today’s economy, the government cannot build houses for everyone. We must accept this truth. To change lives in the hills, roughly 157,000 houses are needed. At the same time, those 157,000 families can be given title to the land they live on. Under our government’s “Urumaya” programme, 150,000–200,000 families received land grants; but in the hills, despite much struggle, only 1,161 land deeds were issued. The reason is not politics with the opposition or within the party. The main reason is the companies’ condition: only those who work on the estate can live on the estate; otherwise, they must leave. This is not only for our party supporters; let me be clear, else some will say I am being political.

¶ 15 Members representing the ruling party have also come from the hill country. I extend my sincere wishes to them. You now have an opportunity to change the culture of the hills, because you have power. You need not do opposition politics. Do not come here and say nothing has happened for so long. It is because the late leader Savumiamoorthy Thondaman prioritized education, land, and identity that you are in this House today. No one should forget that. If you speak by your conscience, you will understand it.

¶ 16 I do not wish to delve into history. In my five years in politics, I have not made history my politics. I am here today with the same purpose I had five years ago. I am ready to extend full support. Over the past five years, we have evidence of shortcomings and injustices by plantation companies and we know how to resolve them. Building houses alone is not development. Creating the opportunity to build, and ensuring people gain economic strength, is development. Many built houses have been sold; people have returned to lines. We must ensure people can attain economic strength.

¶ 17 Finally, I want to say this. I do not see this opportunity as meant only for you. I see it as an opportunity for all of us. Culturally I am an up-country Tamil, but ethnically I am a Sri Lankan. We will cooperate. We have no selfishness. If we all work together, we can certainly bring solutions to the up-country people. Thank you again for the opportunity.