The Hon. Dayasiri Jayasekara, Attorney-at-Law

¶ 01 Hon. Presiding Member, on the President’s Head of Expenditure, I wish to address several important issues.

¶ 02 First, we appreciate the current President’s personal example: not using excessive vehicles, security, or residences previously used by Presidents. Setting a new culture is commendable.

¶ 03 Second, last week the President requested the Mahanayake Theras to allow an Exposition of the Sacred Tooth Relic. The same group that attacked the Temple of the Tooth Relic on 8 February 1989, and police sentry posts, now invites the Mahanayakes to hold an Exposition under their government. In that 1989 attack, 17 weapons including T-81 and T-56 rifles were stolen; 43 persons in five groups participated, including 12 women.

¶ 04 On national security: some speak from Wikipedia and Google. But the official Gazette on ministerial subjects clearly sets out that ensuring national and public security is a core function of the Defence Ministry. That has broken down. Consider a recent incident: A suspect was first taken to Court No. 9—a fully packed courtroom where it is impossible to draw a weapon—then, when the Magistrate did not sit, he was moved to Court No. 5 (Consumer Affairs matters), with a small crowd and ample space to brandish a weapon and shoot. Why was the Magistrate absent? Why was the suspect moved? While I do not allege judicial officers’ complicity, it suggests connections within the justice chain, prisons, and police. For years the police and intelligence pursued underworld figures; now the underworld is embedded within policing zones. A Magistrate had to duck under the bench to save her life. This is a national security failure; there is no separation between “public” and “national” security in such conditions.

¶ 05 A further root issue: the proliferation and non-recovery of illegal firearms from past conflicts. During the 30-year war, LTTE and several Tamil armed groups (EROS, PLOTE, TELO, EPRLF) used arms; have all those weapons been recovered and accounted for? I am not accusing current politicians of carrying arms. But does the Government possess comprehensive records of all arms surrendered?

¶ 06 Likewise, after the 1987–89 insurrection, vast quantities of JVP-held arms remained. According to Dharman Wickramaratne’s work on the second JVP insurrection and Ministry of Defence records, while many weapons were recovered (e.g., T-56s, SLRs, repeaters, shotguns, pistols, etc.), an estimated 2,136 weapons remained unaccounted for by end-1990. The present government led by the JVP-NPP should now account for these: Where are those 2,136 weapons? Additionally, during that period, various anti-insurgent paramilitaries (“Pra,” “black dogs,” “yellow dogs,” etc.) operated—were their weapons properly collected and recorded? Today, innocent people, even children, are victims of underworld shootings. If those old weapons are still in circulation, they must be found and surrendered.

¶ 07 On Parliament security and catering: a JVP recruit, Ajith Kumara, after clearing police screening and joining Parliament staff, was clandestinely recruited by the JVP and executed a bombing using components accumulated via the catering stream; Keerthi Abeywickrama was killed (as recorded by Nihal Seneviratne). That is why outside food was later restricted. If so, let all bring their own meals and stop the ever-rising lunch prices. We do not need subsidized food.

¶ 08 On staff welfare: Parliamentary staff have been working intensely for months, often foregoing leave. Twice the Cabinet rejected their leave allowances. Given today’s debate is on the President’s expenditure, I urge approval of their leave allowances.

¶ 09 On institutional pressures: For the first time, a Secretary-General of Parliament was taken to the CID for questioning, while fake degrees and titles elsewhere go unchecked. Former Speakers’ degrees—some allegedly from Japan—cannot even be traced, yet parliamentary officials are hauled up. Accountability must be even-handed.

¶ 10 On judicial delays: Per million population, judges are far fewer than in the US (107), Canada (75), UK (51), India (20; moving to increase by 50%). In 2015 we significantly increased judges and State Counsel and tripled some salaries, but it remains insufficient. Fundamental Rights applications (about 500 yearly) should conclude within three months, yet many drag on for years because everything funnels to the Supreme Court. We need structural alternatives and distribution of caseloads.

¶ 11 On the current tussle: the IGP and National Police Commission (NPC) are at odds. Article 155G of the Constitution and Gazette 2341/51 set out the NPC’s powers. On coming to office, 14 SSPs were transferred abruptly; when details were sought, “intelligence information” was cited, but officers needed reasons to seek judicial review. In 2022, petitions were filed in the Supreme Court by Officers-in-Charge. We must not repeat systemic collapses. The Acting IGP says he is not allowed to work; but he must understand his lawful powers versus those of the NPC and resolve issues amicably or through the Constitutional Council—not through press conferences. Do not undermine independent commissions that the JVP itself fought to establish under the 19th Amendment.

¶ 12 Thank you for the time, Hon. Presiding Member.