The Hon. Ajith P. Perera

¶ 01 Hon. Speaker, in a Budget debate we must consider two things: the Government’s fiscal position and the legal environment needed to build the economy.

¶ 02 As a lawyer and a student of legislation, I first draw attention to the legislative proposals in the 2025 Budget presented by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake as Minister of Finance to develop the economy: the Investment Protection Bill; the Public-Private Partnership Management Bill; the State Assets Management Bill; the Public Commercial Enterprises Management Bill; the Statistics Bill; the Valuation Bill; the Public Procurement Bill; the Microfinance and Credit Regulatory Authority Bill; the Bill to strengthen the framework preventing money laundering and terrorist financing; the amendment to the Paddy Marketing Board Act; and the Inter-Agency Information Sharing Bill.

¶ 03 The President promised to bring 11 new Bills this year. Yet, to date, not a single one has been passed. One out of eleven — a fail, Hon. Speaker. The legal framework promised as essential to rebuild the economy has not materialized. Of those 11, three are forgotten and eight are again promised this year.

¶ 04 Hon. Speaker, legislation is Parliament’s duty. In 2021, Parliament passed 30 laws; in 2022, 46; in 2023, 34; in 2024, 50; in 2025 under the present Government, only 22, of which 12 were pre-drafted — only 10 are new. This is the fewest laws in five years — the weakest Parliament in terms of output. The laws promised for economic development were not passed.

¶ 05 The President, in his lengthy speech, placed great weight on curbing bribery and corruption. We appreciate that priority. But the Director-General of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) told the Committee on Public Finance that the Treasury is not providing sufficient funds; though the law allows building an independent fund, support is lacking. He even said he would go to court against the Government to strengthen the Commission. This is shameful. There is enthusiasm to buy cabs and strengthen transport for MPs, but not to properly fund CIABOC.

¶ 06 Further, corruption has become embedded in our culture; we must remove it. In 2015, the Good Governance Government increased the number of Supreme Court Justices and established the Permanent High Court-at-Bar to hear corruption cases daily. Yet since this Government took office, not a single case has been referred to the Permanent High Court-at-Bar. Has corruption ceased? Are there no serious cases to try? The Minister of Justice should answer.

¶ 07 We even defended that court against challenges in the Supreme Court. But today, not a single case has been sent there. The rhetoric is anti-corruption; the action is lacking.

¶ 08 On the broader legal environment: there is consensus that our distorted Constitution must be replaced with a new one abolishing the Executive Presidency and establishing Parliamentary democracy (Westminster model). This was in the policy documents of both Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Sajith Premadasa. The Government’s policy statement also promised a new Constitution swiftly, and to hold long-delayed local and provincial elections within a year, and to elect a non-executive President. Yet in the four-and-a-half-hour Budget speech, not a word on a new Constitution.

¶ 09 We cannot re-run the presidential election promise; but within the next year we must bring the new Constitution. We are not asking to remove the current executive powers immediately; we understand the realities. But a new Constitution is needed, establishing a parliamentary system and a non-executive President, as per the Government’s own manifesto.

¶ 10 Why is the President silent? Hon. Speaker, as head of the legislature’s law-making, this is crucial. In 2015–2019, near-unanimous consensus existed on constitutional drafts — about 99 percent agreement — though refinements were needed.

¶ 11 The manifesto itself details what must be done, yet these are forgotten. Democracy requires a new governance framework and political culture; instead, the Executive Presidency is being prolonged with an eye to future elections — we cannot understand this.

¶ 12 Provincial Council elections, promised within a year, are five years overdue. Now we are told laws are needed. There is consensus that the current mixed system is impractical; even the JVP voted to postpone elections and to reject the delimitation report. Therefore, all of us share responsibility to restore Provincial Councils — currently nine councils are administered by officials with vast funds at their discretion, undermining democracy and increasing corruption. The legislative remedy is simple; a Private Member’s Bill is already before Parliament, and the President asked for support. Let us unanimously proceed to elections. Winning and losing is normal; democracy must move forward.

¶ 13 Since the Minister of Justice is present, may I ask: what progress on the new Constitution? Has a committee been appointed? Are funds allocated in this Budget? What steps have been taken?