The Hon. Ajith P. Perera

¶ 01 Mr. Speaker, this is the first Budget of this Government, which has pledged to protect the rights of the people. Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who sat with us in Opposition for a long time, is now the President. We are happy; having fulfilled his Opposition responsibilities, he won public trust and became President.

¶ 02 I recall that when underworld crime increased and proper procedures to suppress it could not be implemented, unsuccessful governments resorted to killing suspects in custody. Today, this Government has no accepted methodology to suppress the underworld; no plan. We saw yesterday: criminals are arrested and shown alive on social media, but by night they die in police custody. As then-Opposition MP Anura Kumara Dissanayake said from these benches: “If suspects in custody are dying, what is the government for? If you cannot keep suspects alive, what is the government for? If you cannot act under the rule of law, what is the government for?” That was his position.

¶ 03 We must act firmly against the underworld. Criminals must not roam free; they must be punished proportionate to their crimes; trials must be expedited. But the current Government has forgotten the rule of law and is reverting to failed methods practiced for 76 years. You blame former governments for failing to ensure the rule of law and for extra-judicial killings; we opposed such killings then and we oppose them now. Suppression must be legal; otherwise, the country descends into lawlessness. As Speaker and head of the Legislature, you have a responsibility to inquire and ensure we have opportunities to speak.

¶ 04 The public expected a revolutionary beginning from this Government — to replace a decayed, failed system with a new constitutional order. Both Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Sajith Premadasa promised a new Constitution and a new system of governance. The winner, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, states in his “A Prosperous Country, a Beautiful Life” policy that under “A Dignified Life — A Steadfast Nation” (p.193), a brand-new Constitution will be brought.

¶ 05 Yet, when he addressed Parliament to open the new Session, he did not utter a word about a new Constitution; nor in his Budget Speech; nor on Independence Day. The Cardinal reminded him of this promise. If there is such intent, a Constitution-making committee should be set up; there must be a referendum and a two-thirds majority within the first two years, per global practice. Start and finish quickly; we are ready to support drafting a suitable Constitution. Allocate funds; engage experts inside and outside Parliament. There are no such provisions in this Budget.

¶ 06 It appears that after gaining power, intoxicated by it, there is a desire to remain an executive President. They promised to abolish the Executive Presidency and move to a parliamentary system — which is also our policy — but now are not ready to abolish it. This is deceitful and shameful. There is still time; allow honest Constitution-making now, not because the Opposition or the Cardinal says so, but because the people gave you an extraordinary mandate to change the system.

¶ 07 There are 159 Government MPs. Did you not tell people: the two old parties failed; give us power for a revolutionary change whose foundation is a new Constitution? Do you discuss this inside your party or before the media? Not a single Government MP has demanded a new Constitution here. Then why are these 159 here? Minister Bimal Rathnayake, you know democracy well. A new Constitution must be done in the first two Sessions. You have the strength but are not doing it because of the reasons I stated. We lacked a two-thirds; you have it plus the Executive and public will. Yet you are unwilling to change the Constitution.

¶ 08 We all believe in free education and must safeguard and nurture it. I am from the UNP tradition of Dr. C. W. W. Kannangara’s free education. It is thanks to that revolution that many of us are here. The NPP’s policy statement pledged to safeguard and nurture free education. People trusted you to do better than us. But in the Budget Speech there is not a word on safeguarding and nurturing free education. Allocations alone won’t transform education; we need a policy revolution — in universities and schools. Kannangara’s free education must be made real and contemporary. Yet the Budget is silent — even the phrase “free education” seems avoided. Did the IMF ask you not to mention it?

¶ 09 Similarly, free healthcare is a people’s right we must protect and strengthen. The Government’s maiden Budget should have presented its transformative approach, at least broadly; yet there is not a single reference to free healthcare. Saying you allocate more money is not enough; what is the policy? You continue the same policies of J. R. Jayewardene, Premadasa, Ranil Wickremesinghe, Chandrika, and the Rajapaksas. Where is the new health policy or plan?

¶ 10 A so-called revolutionary party and leaders are engaging with the IMF more liberally than we would. Many ask: what is your economic policy — capitalist, liberal, socialist? In this Budget, it is falsehood.

¶ 11 “Clean Sri Lanka” is important for the environment; I appreciate that investment. But in the Gazette establishing its task force, the purposes are environmental protection and attitudinal change. Yet in the Budget the President says it includes anti-corruption actions. Where in the Gazette is anti-corruption? If there is such a provision, show it. It is not there. Do not mislead. Anti-corruption requires separate measures: digitization to close corruption windows by integrating state and private information systems onto a single platform to strengthen taxation and revenues; and enforcing the law. But the Budget has no new programme to stop corruption or strengthen institutions. Every government allocates funds to the CIABOC, pays salaries and rent, but where is the new programme?

¶ 12 We intervened in 2018 to address delays in corruption trials: established the Permanent Trial-at-Bar for corruption under Act No. 9 of 2018, with day-to-day trials; located at Hulftsdorp opposite the Law College. Today it is inactive; cases were not referred; it became defunct with changes of government. If there is a genuine will to jail real thieves, hold day-to-day trials and conclude quickly. We proposed three such courts; only one was created. Create all three.

¶ 13 We also increased the number of High Court Judges: under Act No. 26 of 2017, raised the maximum to 110; still not fully appointed, but capacity exists to expedite trials. The main problem is case delay. The Budget takes no steps to address this.

¶ 14 Regarding land rights: about two million people live cultivating state lands for generations without proper titles — across North Central, Eastern, North Western, as well as Southern, Sabaragamuwa and Central. They cannot pass land to children, mortgage for credit, or sell to resettle elsewhere. The previous government launched “Urumaya” to grant freehold deeds to long-term lawful occupants of state land. This Government has abolished “Urumaya”. That is wrong. If anyone can justify it, I want to hear. Instead, you say you will strengthen “Bim Saviya”, which is different: Bim Saviya surveys and issues title certificates confirming private land rights; it is useful — resolves boundaries, rights, and reduces cases (in successful areas by 50–75%). But your target for this year is only 2,000 Bim Saviya titles; at that pace it will take about 1,000 years to cover those in need. Who plans these things?

¶ 15 On digitization: court automation is critical for timely justice. As ICT Minister and later as Chair of the Bar Association’s court automation committee, I worked with the previous government; it is a mature project with known costs, deliverables, and benefits; countries in the region have succeeded with it. Yet the Budget makes no mention of court automation. That is disappointing. You received a massive mandate; we respect it and are ready to support good measures. But if you proceed in the old way, there is no revolution, no capitalism, no liberalism, no socialism — only falsehood.

¶ 16 Very disappointing.