The Hon. S.M. Marikkar

¶ 01 Hon. Deputy Chairperson, I must raise several matters with the Government during this Committee Stage debate. In our history, the largest volume of corruption and fraud in the health sector occurred under the previous Government. We even brought a Vote of No-Confidence against the then Minister. Some who opposed that motion are in this House today. I believe it is the Government’s responsibility to punish those who blinded patients’ eyes by supplying adulterated liquids as cancer drugs and those who committed these heinous, organized crimes. Merely chanting that this is the “curse of 76 years” is meaningless; after all, you brought the Rajapaksas to power—even in 2004 amidst allegations of tsunami fund fraud. From that very Chair, Anura Kumara Dissanayake justified why the JVP helped make Mahinda Rajapaksa Prime Minister. I even saw a photo yesterday of the former President, Madam Chandrika, and Hon. Anura Kumara laying a foundation stone together. Those who became stakeholders of this so‑called 76‑year curse sold it and came to power. Now, hold the culprits accountable.

¶ 02 I must also tell the Minister of Health this: the Gotabaya Rajapaksa Government forcibly cremated COVID‑19 bodies of the Muslim community without any scientific justification—a clear act of reprisal. Many doctors and professors were found to justify it, even saying COVID spreads through water. I once asked then Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa: “There’s a hospital near my seat—if COVID spreads through water, why bring patients across the country here and risk infecting those around?” There was no answer. This was vengeance and ethnic targeting. We ask for the list of those responsible for the forced cremations. Around 70% of the Muslim community voted for your Government. We expected at least justice in the form of disclosure. If names cannot be given, at least provide statistics by Divisional Secretariat detailing how many bodies were forcibly cremated, so justice can be done.

¶ 03 As the Minister also handles Mass Media, I wish to raise that no state media institution is profit‑making. Can the Government bear that burden? State media must be allowed to compete. Of the more than Rs. 5 billion advertising market, the Government’s own spend is significant, yet agencies don’t place ads with state media even when urged—as during the Rajapaksa era. Market share dictates allocations across agencies. Are you taking steps so state outlets increase their fair market share? Today, a particular TV and radio channel run programs that attack the Opposition more than the previous regime did. I won’t name the program, but I’m not sure whether scripts are being sent from the Pelawatte office. We used to see such media behavior before—does it align with what this Government promised?

¶ 04 Further, are state TV and radio running content aligned to public taste and capturing market share? I once headed five radio stations—turned loss‑making into profitable, created acclaimed programs, and targeted the market. The Government must shoulder this seriously. Yes, state outlets have collective responsibilities and must promote Government policy—but they should also sustain themselves with their own revenues. Also, many state outlets have not been paying VAT. Your Government has been in office for five months; you can’t turn losses into profits in five months, but at least have a proper marketing plan, refresh programming, grow market share, and aim for profitability within about 18 months.

¶ 05 On the Online Safety Act: it was brought to suppress the Opposition, targeting journalists. Even a Minister then—a former media person—justified it. We regret this. Bring a fundamentally revised Bill after stakeholder consultations with journalists, media institutions, professionals, and experts. Until then, repeal the current Act, because it is being used to target media and cause harm.

¶ 06 On YouTube: technology has changed media habits. Many YouTube channels are now more popular than some mainstream outlets—but they are neither licensed nor registered with the Government’s Department of Government Information. Radio/TV receive frequencies via the Ministry and accept guidelines. Create a registration regime for YouTube channels, too. Despite monetization income, YouTubers can’t obtain bank loans easily; even with your new 15% tax, I’m unsure it enables credit access. We all know hundreds of YouTube channels and hundreds of Facebook pages pushed your campaign narratives—like the “76‑year curse”—into households. Yet upon assuming office, you imposed a 15% tax. If there is fairness—if they gain recognition, professional value, and rights—fine. But please bring a program to register YouTubers, confer professional standing, and set standards. Today, people turn on a phone camera anywhere—often we can’t tell who is a journalist. Sometimes party activists masquerade as YouTubers, creating unnecessary issues and harming genuine YouTubers. Registration would help.

¶ 07 In mainstream media, accredited correspondents bear responsibility—they are registered with the Government Information Department. Unregistered persons face no accountability. I’m not asking to control YouTubers or curb expression, but to grant them professional value, rights, and respect through a framework.

¶ 08 Finally, punish those who robbed the Health Ministry—former Ministers or officials. But while doing so, ensure medicines are procured. We hear anti‑rabies vaccine is unavailable nationwide. Please verify and fix it, punish the culprits, and don’t deflect by pointing at the Rajapaksas—address the wrongdoers we opposed in the No‑Confidence motion. I conclude. Thank you.