The Hon. Bimal Rathnayake - Minister of Transport, Highways, Ports and Civil Aviation and Leader of the House of Parliament

¶ 01 Hon. Presiding Member, it is an honour to speak while you are in the Chair, and I thank the people who placed great trust in the National People’s Power, giving us this mandate.

¶ 02 Before I respond to the debate on the policy statement, I must table information promised by Hon. Nalinda Jayatissa, Cabinet Spokesman, regarding the issuance of new liquor licenses. A letter from the Presidential Secretariat to the Ministry of Finance dated 21.10.2024 states:

¶ 03 “02. Please urgently submit a detailed report on liquor licenses issued after 01 January 2024.

¶ 04 03. Further, until further notice, no new liquor licenses are to be issued, as per the Hon. President’s instructions.

¶ 05 Dr. N.S. Kumanayake, Secretary to the President.”

¶ 06 Accordingly, the Ministry of Finance has provided detailed data, which I am tabling.

¶ 07 Between 01 January 2024 and the relevant cut-off, 301 licenses were issued island-wide: Western 110; Southern 48; Northern 32; Eastern 22; Central 45; North Central 14; North Western 30; Uva 30; Sabaragamuwa 30. Of these, 172 were FL4 (wine store) licenses, distributed as: Colombo 22, Gampaha 18, Kalutara 8, Galle 9, Matara 5, Hambantota 5, Jaffna 5, Kilinochchi 16, Mullaitivu 0, Vavuniya 2, Mannar 2, Trincomalee 4, Batticaloa 1, Ampara 5, Kandy 11, Matale 6, Nuwara Eliya 8, Anuradhapura 4, Polonnaruwa 3, Puttalam 6, Kurunegala 8, Badulla 9, Moneragala 7, Ratnapura 6, Kegalle 2. The names connected to the so‑called “bar” licenses—popularly dubbed “Bar Kumar”—are also in the records already placed in the Library. We state clearly that the former President, Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe, used such licenses as political inducements to engineer defections.

¶ 08 Now to the policy debate. Over the last two days, this House maintained commendable discipline and parliamentary standards. Many new Members from both Government and Opposition presented with dignity, and public feedback on the quality of the debate has been positive. We refrained from heckling or belittling anyone on the basis of vote share; every Member elected by the people deserves full respect.

¶ 09 On substance, the Opposition tried the Goebbels tactic—repeat a lie a hundred times to make it truth—by claiming we promised things we did not. They sought to paint us as promise-breakers who obtained votes fraudulently. They tried this in both recent elections and lost both. One Opposition Member keeps saying, “Only three NPP MPs were there earlier; if they became 159, it could happen to us too.” That is not how this works. We are the only movement that, even when capable of seeking two-thirds, did not ask for it. We campaigned for a strong simple majority—120-130 seats—and the people still gave us more than two-thirds. Why? To uproot the old, corrupt political culture built by the Ranils, Rajapaksas, and Bandaranaikes. That is why the people granted 159 seats without us asking.

¶ 10 On the IMF: when we assumed office, the country was already within an IMF programme. We said clearly we would operate within that framework for the next three years while pursuing negotiated amendments—those discussions have begun, and changes will be reflected in the Budget.

¶ 11 On DSA: as Deputy Minister Chathuranga Abeysinghe noted, the President stated on TV two days before the General Election that we would try to amend the DSA, and if not possible, proceed within it. We did not lie for votes.

¶ 12 On taxes: under Article 148 of the Constitution, Parliament controls public finance. Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe keeps saying we did not reduce VAT; only Parliament can do that through a Money Bill—not a President. We are happy to arrange tuition for him, delivered by one of our new Members, to refresh this point.

¶ 13 On nationalism: SJB appears to distribute the same talking points. But the decisive pivot of Sri Lankan racism was Black July 1983 under J.R. Jayewardene. Go to Mullaitivu, Kilinochchi, Vavuniya and ask those displaced from Nuwara Eliya, Maskeliya, Hatton, Yatiyantota, Deraniyagala, Kegalle, Kahawatta after 1977 who beat them and why—well before the LTTE rose. It was UNP leadership that escalated communalism to deadly levels.

¶ 14 Today, what is the leading party in the North? The National People’s Power. In the East? The National People’s Power. We say this without arrogance. Are you against the people’s verdict? Sinhala, Tamil, and Muslim people have together delivered a clear message.

¶ 15 On the 13th Amendment: Hon. Shanakkiyan Rasamanickam raised concerns. Our policy statement is clear. Remember who cancelled elections—Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe on J.R.’s path. The Provincial Council elections due since 2018 were never held. Some current Tamil and Muslim MPs served in that Government. We, by contrast, have already secured cross-party agreement among Party Leaders to hold Local Government elections—key to the devolution architecture—and we will proceed accordingly. There is no need for alarm.

¶ 16 On remembrance: the right to mourn and remember the dead predates States and Governments by millennia. No President or emperor can deny it. Even in 2011, the then Government accepted the right to remembrance. We respect that right—whether in the North or South—regardless of labels manufactured by ultra-nationalists.

¶ 17 On the JVP and Rohana Wijeweera: some SJB figures—once UNPers—spoke of him. We do not play with Wijeweera’s name, especially when some voices today include those who ran private torture chambers. Justice for the tens of thousands killed—those who built this country—must be done, and the people have now empowered us to begin that process.

¶ 18 To an SJB MP who cited their “think tank”: before lecturing us, perhaps nominate some of them via your National List.

¶ 19 On the PTA and two-thirds: we did not ask for two-thirds; the people gave it. We will not abuse it. But to govern, laws must operate. We will protect human rights and the country’s cultural diversity and the rights of all ethnic and religious communities.

¶ 20 Post-election political culture: we brought campaign violence to zero; no abuse of State property; no reprisals in public services. In the past, SLTB workers who campaigned were punished after elections; not now. State media misuse is absent. We know how to use these levers, but we did not—because it is not our right. Those who once abused them now accuse us.

¶ 21 We will continue to uphold this new culture and implement the policy statement with discipline, inclusivity, and justice.

¶ 22 Thank you, Mr. Speaker.