The Hon. Anura Kumara Dissanayake - President, Minister of Defence, Minister of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, and Minister of Digital Economy

¶ 01 Hon. Chairman, I intended at this stage to present several points regarding the Budget Heads of the Ministry of Defence and the Ministry of Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs, as interventions by these two Ministries are very important for many functions of our country.

¶ 02 Let me begin by clarifying the incident in Trincomalee, because it has now stirred agitation. We know that at various times nationalist tendencies emerge in different forms. If we look at our country’s history of governments that fell, those governments had engaged in corruption; counterforces formed and toppled them. Our Government cannot be accused of that. Another government fell focusing on issues of democracy—up to around 1994; we also cannot be accused on that count. Recently, governments fell over economic issues; even on that, such allegations cannot be laid against this Government.

¶ 03 If democracy is being destroyed, resistance is just; if there is fraud and corruption, resistance is just; if the economy collapses, resistance is just. Today, the defeated political forces have no such just cause left. Therefore, in the absence of such causes and without a credible force to rally around, their aim has become to manufacture nationalist flashpoints. That is the opportunity they are seeking. Therefore, we must pay attention both to the Police enforcing the law and to the possible social unrest that can arise from enforcement, and proceed with care while upholding the law. In some areas where political activities are implicated, that must be factored.

¶ 04 On this incident, I asked the Secretary to the Ministry of Public Security to report clearly what exactly had happened. Meetings were convened; a note exists at the Trincomalee Police Station that at 11.40 a.m. on the relevant date the Buddha statue was brought to the station for security reasons. I have a copy of that note and can table it if necessary.

¶ 05 What followed? After the statue was brought to the station, the next flashpoint would have been between the Police and a nationalist group—ideal for their script. Therefore, the statue was returned to where it was, with necessary security provided.

¶ 06 Now the matter is before Court. Yesterday, there was a discussion at the District Secretariat. As stated, an old permit from 2014 exists for that land. Although it is described as temple land, in recent times it has not functioned as a temple; it has been used to operate an eatery. The Coast Conservation and Coastal Resources Management Department had ordered the removal of illegal constructions there. An appeal to the Environment Ministry upheld removal. Subsequently, at a discussion with the Police, Coast Conservation, and the Urban Development Authority, the monk requested a week to appeal to the Court of Appeal, which was granted and expired on the 14th. Yet, the incident arose on the 16th. It is evident other narratives, such as the establishment of a religious site, are being layered onto this.

¶ 07 At the District Secretariat discussion, it was agreed to appoint a proper surveyor, survey and demarcate the land, and assign the Coast Conservation portion to that institution and the temple portion to the temple. Also, the Court has ordered that no new constructions be made and that existing structures not be demolished until a judgment is given; thereafter, if temple land is demarcated, related work can proceed. Therefore, the matter should be at an end—so why stir it further? Nationalist groups are trying to light fires everywhere. We will not allow space for nationalism—neither the Buddhist public nor the Hindu, Catholic, and Muslim communities will allow it. Our present and future politics will not be written on nationalist lines.

¶ 08 On the Defence Ministry’s work, our armed forces must be aligned to the threats we actually face. We do not foresee in the near term a large-scale internal civil war, nor do we expect invasion by another state that would justify preparing a massive conventional force for territorial defence. Our threat landscape is primarily technological—cyber space and emerging technologies—together with maritime and airspace security. Therefore, our objective is a technologically enabled, efficient force. We have received significant international support: from India—around 70 jeeps and various equipment and assistance for academies; from the USA—10 UH-1Y/Venom-class helicopters committed for 2026; and two C-130 aircraft from the USA and Australia for 2026 and 2027, which are vital for our Air Force; additionally, Beechcraft King Air 360 and 350 aircraft have been provided as assistance. Our helicopter fleet is being strengthened—ten new helicopters and overhauls via tender. We are building a modern, capable military.

¶ 09 On reconciliation, we act on four interlinked pillars: 1) Truth-seeking: We support strengthening mechanisms to establish the truth about what happened; our Foreign Minister conveyed this at the UN Human Rights Council. 2) Justice: We will not shirk from delivering justice against crimes. For example, regarding the alleged abduction and killing of 11 students, certain naval officers face charges. The Navy played a great role in ending the war, but where crimes unrelated to combat—such as abductions of children—are credibly alleged, the responsible individuals must be prosecuted to protect the Navy’s honour. Delays occur due to due process—accused can seek writs and interim relief—but investigations are proceeding. There are also allegations against intelligence elements in some killings. We need a strong, trusted intelligence service, but its credibility must be upheld by investigating and prosecuting wrongdoers where evidence indicates involvement, rather than tarnishing entire units. We have revived investigations into the killings of Lasantha Wickrematunge and Wasim Thajudeen, and the abduction of Eknaligoda, among others, and the Easter Sunday attacks. Some complain of delay and cite court orders and writs sought by suspects; those are rights in due process. We are assembling evidence—phone analyses, linkage charts, movement records—because planners and perpetrators differ and linkages must be proved in Court. Despite past disruptions—when those suspected of killings came to power, investigators were hounded, officers transferred, and travel bans imposed on nearly 500 CID officers—our teams are rebuilding cases to bring offenders before the law. This is not a “witch-hunt of war heroes” but restoration of professionalism, honour, and discipline. 3) Reparations: Where harm occurred, reparations will be provided. For instance, a cache of gold held by intelligence was recovered; although owners could not be definitively identified, we propose converting it to funds for livelihood support in the North as part of fair redress. A Reparations Office is functioning with necessary mechanisms. 4) Non-recurrence: We will take measures to prevent a return to such conditions. We will protect the rights of people to participate fairly in politics and exercise power in their regions. We will carefully avoid even small errors that could trigger large destruction and will build national unity and reconciliation.

¶ 10 To foster unity, on December 11 and 12 we plan “Sri Lankan Day” in Parliament—an apolitical platform to showcase and exchange our Sinhala, Tamil, and Muslim cultures, cuisine, music, and traditions together. All Members are invited, especially Tamil and Muslim MPs and leaders, to contribute ideas.

¶ 11 Turning to Public Security and the Police: We have confidence in the work of the Ministry of Public Security. Some attempt no-confidence motions and attacks on its leadership precisely because they are working day and night against narcotics and organized crime. The Secretary to the Ministry, Mr. Ravi Seneviratne, is being targeted because of his long CID experience and integrity—those engaged in crimes fear him. Likewise, attempts to vilify seasoned investigators like Mr. Shani Abeysekera—whose cases have led to numerous convictions including death sentences—are wrong. Such fearless, professional officers are needed to train the next cadre. They were persecuted under the previous regime; yet they continued their duty. We will protect such officials who act lawfully, fearlessly, and free of corruption.

¶ 12 There are also attacks on the IGP and on CID Director Mr. Karavita; these arise as probes pursue corruption and crimes. Do not intimidate investigators.

¶ 13 On narcotics: Over decades, isolated village thugs evolved into a cartel integrating political patrons, drug traffickers, armed criminals, corrupt state officials, and media networks. Money bought social respect, influence, and access to state machinery—Police, Immigration, Customs—while investments laundered proceeds through businesses and media. This is now a systemic condition, not isolated incidents; arrests alone will not end it. Our Government has decided to defeat this condition.

¶ 14 These networks even prepared political fronts, seeking elected office through local bodies and beyond. The menace affects all—North, East, and South alike. We need a national operation transcending governments. With such criminal economies, no good governance or economy can be built. We are dismantling the network across agencies—Navy at sea, intelligence, Army and Air Force as needed, and Police—working jointly. Today, traffickers fear landing consignments; multiple floating drug hauls have been sighted and seized at sea.

¶ 15 We are also mobilizing a mass public campaign against narcotics and are receiving increasing public information—directly to the Minister, to the IGP, to the Public Security Secretary, and via the 1818 hotline—because people now trust that action will be taken and informants protected.

¶ 16 We are freezing black money and assets: to date, properties valued at approximately Rs. 4,200 million have been temporarily restrained; we will pursue court processes to permanently confiscate assets derived from narcotics and other crimes. We have already taken over properties such as the “Malchane” house and the Kataragama house—now under the Department of Prisons—since these are effectively ownerless mansions held with illicit proceeds. With the strong legislation brought by the Ministry of Justice and Parliament, we will continue to confiscate unlawfully acquired assets.

¶ 17 Media entities that shield or promote criminals or the drug trade will also face scrutiny. We aim to cleanse the State so that future generations inherit a healthy, law-governed country.

¶ 18 On corruption: No one should evade the law. A former Finance Minister has repeatedly failed to attend court; there is a case on the 21st—he must face it. We will not pressure any judge; the judiciary has the independence needed.

¶ 19 Some in the Opposition now routinely attack officials who are working, while speaking for the corrupt or for drug networks. We must collectively strengthen institutions to fulfil their legal mandates. Our officials in Defence and Public Security work late nights, convene emergency councils, and take preventive actions—even when criticized for arrests made to forestall violence. We protect all tourists regardless of nationality; intelligence and security agencies forecast potential risks, especially attempts to disrupt the tourism sector to embarrass the Government, and we will act decisively against any such plans.

¶ 20 Our Defence Secretary is accessible to any Member at any hour and intervenes as needed. The IGP and other officers likewise work tirelessly to uphold the rule of law and public security. We will protect them as a Government and beyond.

¶ 21 Thank you very much.

¶ 22 MINISTRY OF DEFENCE

¶ 23 Recurrent: Rs. 395,000,000,000 Capital: Rs. 60,000,000,000