The Hon. Arjuna Sujeewa Senasinghe, Attorney-at-Law

¶ 01 Madam Presiding Member, today’s main subject is the Head of Expenditure of the President. We also discuss the heads of the Commissions, Parliament, Government Parliamentary Office, and the Office of the Leader of the Opposition. We debate the three essential pillars—Executive, Legislature, and Judiciary. If the Executive and Judiciary do not work independently and with respect for the law, the country will fall. Our duty as the Legislature is to keep the other two upright and strong, to create an environment where officials have the backbone to act, and to forge three strong pillars.

¶ 02 Since the Leader of the House is present, let me begin with an issue about Parliament. We hear many grievances from parliamentary staff regarding the cuts to their allowances, which have caused severe difficulties. The Hon. Speaker had appointed a Committee and developed a procedure, but, as I understand, that Report did not receive broad acceptance across the parliamentary departments. Staff are asking for a revision, to reconsider it with their views and to prepare a new Report. I draw your attention to this.

¶ 03 Among the Heads discussed today, the President’s Head comes first. The Hon. President spent years in Opposition before assuming office. But we face a question. He spoke passionately then about farmers and the poor. We were all in Opposition together at that time. He also spoke about the vulnerable, graduates, public servants, and entrepreneurs with great concern. We see a vast difference between Anura Kumara then and Anura Kumara after becoming President—his lifestyle and views, Marxist or socialist, have changed.

¶ 04 He once asked whether MPs needed BMWs or Benz cars; said, like in Canada or Norway, MPs should collide “shoulder to shoulder,” travel by bus or train. As the Government completes a year, even these views are changing. Back then he expressed views on his own security; now, whenever he travels, the IGP is always behind him. That could be a misuse of public funds; the IGP need not be personally present to provide security. I have seen entourages of 30–40 officers. Presidents need security, yes, but in Parliament corridors we see dozens in black, causing inconvenience to Members. The same with the Prime Minister—similar or larger entourages. These are the realities now.

¶ 05 [Interjections and exchanges with Hon. Bimal Rathnayake — portions expunged on the order of the Chair.]

¶ 06 On presidential security: your President spoke then about how former Presidents used security. Now we speak about the present situation which ordinary people do not enjoy. He has changed; he has become a pro-Western, pro-capitalist President surpassing even J.R. If this is not so, then my remarks may be wrong—but allow me to express my view.

¶ 07 The Prime Minister travels in a Mercedes-Benz Maybach worth about Rs. 250 million. She promised 6% of GDP for education—wore it on a T-shirt—led a huge campaign to fix education. How do people and policies change like this? You said not even 1% went to education, and now everything you said has been reversed. The President’s words, Hon. Bimal’s words, the PM’s words—all shifted.

¶ 08 Do not say, “Then we were in Opposition, now we are in Government.” I may have made mistakes at times, but I did not change my policies. We stood by what we said. Whether in Government with Ranil Wickremesinghe or in Opposition, I called out wrongs. That is why we parted and formed a new party.

¶ 09 You spoke of development. The World Bank said growth is 3.2%. How did you “change” that? Vehicle imports sent out USD 1.5 billion—a very large sum. Tax revenue is Rs. 700 billion. The World Bank is not wrong; I asked officials, and they said because of vehicle imports, the growth number shows higher. But in a fallen economy, even a small uptick can display as 5–6% growth on paper.

¶ 10 I do not speak from malice. We must raise genuine growth to 6%. This year you have not allocated funds targeted to production across provinces—no projects—this will have consequences in the next budget cycle. Today, note what I say; by next budget you will see growth falter, because you cannot repeat this year’s vehicle import surge.

¶ 11 Most vehicles were purchased on loans. Banks cannot lend 80% of their portfolios to consumer vehicle loans—they have limited capacity for business, projects and investments. People pawned their assets and borrowed to buy vehicles. Funds that should have gone to productive investment went to vehicles, hitting the economy from all sides: USD 1.5 billion flowed out, while you collected Rs. 600–700 billion from the public domestically. The net effect is rising household debt, not national gain; funds for production, agriculture and industry are not left, hurting the economy.

¶ 12 To the Commissioners and officials of Independent Commissions here today, I humbly request: why did we create these Commissions? I heard a Minister say they are inefficient and useless. These Commissions are essential. When people get power, most go mad with it—95–98%—laughing while in office. Democracy restrains this tendency. That is why we need independent commissions.

¶ 13 Do not be intellectually corrupt. This is to all commission officials—Judicial Service Commission, Elections Commission, and others. Remember, your actions stay with you even if you avoid prosecution today. You hold office for a brief time; act by your conscience. Do not sell your soul for promotions, extensions, a seat on the Supreme Court, longer tenure, or to secure outcomes from the Bribery Commission. Many officials perform their duties with a clear conscience; follow that path.

¶ 14 We still remember great Supreme Court Justices—Mark Fernando, A.R.B. Amerasinghe, and Ranjith Dheeraratne among others—names we can speak of with pride. If judges keep their integrity, avoid political decisions, and do not serve on ad hoc tribunals to deliver desired outcomes, they can leave a good name. Today we may be in Opposition; tomorrow in Government; one can easily forget these principles in power.

¶ 15 If the country is to move forward, we must strengthen the Commissions, provide them with what they need, empower upright officials, and stop discouraging them. If judges who refuse political pressure are transferred, or if those who issue adverse rulings against Government Ministers are removed, the country will not progress. You may gain small personal benefits, but a curse follows.

¶ 16 On the Supreme Court: when the Chief Justice was appointed, he stressed the importance of Fundamental Rights. Yet now, FR applications are sometimes dismissed in minutes. A single judge has issued good bail decisions—bail should be granted readily, and cases must proceed. Often, remand becomes the punishment—two weeks or a month—based on politics. This is unnecessary; most do not breach bail conditions. When I fought the Rajapaksas, they twice tried to arrest me; I went to the Supreme Court and those judges protected our rights. Now I have been told in court, “Police file cases; we send people to prison.” That is not the Supreme Court we expect. If a judge acts to gain promotion or favor, it is a tragedy for the country and for that judge.

¶ 17 Finally, regarding the Speaker’s conduct, there are serious concerns. Our Hon. Archchuna often clashes not out of habit, but because he raises fairness. Frequently, the Speaker treats that side leniently while speaking to us harshly. When we raise a point of order—especially if our names are mentioned—he does not allow it, while from the other side he smiles and allows 5–6 minutes. He says he does not follow customs or conventions. But customs matter. I also heard an allegation that the Speaker’s Secretary behaved inappropriately to a woman officer at the reception. The Speaker does not have such powers over staff; that lies with the Secretary-General. There are serious allegations about how other staff matters are handled. Please, do not allow these things. Whatever one may say, the previous Speaker without degrees acted more fairly and as per convention.

¶ 18 I also hear the Speaker uses two residences—public property misuse. If so, the Bribery Commission must act. When there is an official residence, why rent another and maintain both—then indicate the official residence will be used for some other purpose? In Sri Lanka many buildings are underutilized, but they exist for a reason—dignity of office matters. The British monarchy is maintained for such institutional dignity. We cannot simply discard these structures; otherwise, let us meet in a schoolroom. You enjoy the privileges—do not misuse them to dupe the public.

¶ 19 On Provincial Council elections: the President said they cannot be held due to legal issues. Yet we see a power struggle at Pelawatte, the “black mafia” HQ. I sense some friction between the President and Hon. Bimal. The President seems reluctant to hold PC polls; Hon. Bimal insists they must be held. Recent cooperative society elections show many Government defeats—Panduwasnuwara, Uva Paranagama, Padiyathalawa, Dodangoda; and cooperative elections lost in Kotapola, Agunukolapelessa, Beruwala, Walasmulla, Moratuwa, Galle, Horana, Millaniya, Kelaniya. However clever the President may be, he knows an election now will go badly. Hence, delay. Hon. Bimal pushes for it, perhaps to put the President in difficulty. We tell the President: despite shortcomings, we will support you more than Bimal does—hold the elections soon and protect democracy.

¶ 20 Thank you.