The Hon. (Mrs.) Rohini Kumari Wijerathna

¶ 01 Hon. Deputy Chair, before I begin, I must recall a response the Hon. Prime Minister gave as subject Minister to MP Radhakrishnan’s remarks on teacher training. You spoke of a great revolution. I say: Sinhala-medium teachers for the North and East have already been interviewed and processing is complete. Issue the appointments and let’s start the revolution. Likewise, in the Central Province, to resolve teacher shortages, graduates who sat the teacher exam await appointments—let’s commence from there.

¶ 02 Hon. Prime Minister, as Minister for Education, Higher Education and Vocational Education, I know you did not submit fake certificates. You truly hold a doctorate, overseas education, and have served as a university lecturer—we have that credential. I have known you since 2020 on the Sectoral Oversight Committee on Education with yourself and now-President Anura Kumara Dissanayake; we were of one mind on education. Today, though we sit on two sides, my concern is how we carry forward what we then envisaged. In recent months, I feel your current Ministry stance differs from when you were in Opposition. Education sector talks ask: is the Ministry run by you or by State Minister Mahinda Jayasinghe? Seeing the current trajectory, I too have that doubt. I say this because disagreements have arisen over some Cabinet papers you presented. But as you are the Education Minister officially, I will speak on policy.

¶ 03 Gamunu Jayasuriya, Badiudeen Mahmoud, Nissanka Wijeyeratne, Ranil Wickremesinghe, Lalith Athulathmudali, Richard Pathirana, G.L. Peiris and others have held the Education Ministry. I consider you, Hon. Harini, as someone who can understand change and transformation in education as well as those distinguished leaders. Therefore, I will present a few key points on what ails our education policy.

¶ 04 First: the biggest problem is that policies have not adapted to the needs of the age. Reforms have occurred, but not allowed to evolve across eras—often blocked by force, the consequences of which we still bear. The 1960 White Paper began a planned education system. Yet we are still dragging the same system forward. The Universities Act No. 16 of 1978 still operates, patched here and there. For 47 years universities stagnated. Many current circulars date back decades—e.g. on school hostels from 1960; on fees and services from 1980. These must change. Whenever reforms were attempted, political parties and student movements backed by parties sabotaged them.

¶ 05 In 1978, the UNP Government, with JVP support, passed the Universities Act swiftly. The 1981 White Paper proposed different reforms; we could not change course then. The greatest mistake in our education history was the opposition to those reforms. Forty-four years later we are compelled to implement and reform what was proposed then. The children of those who opposed then now study in international or foreign universities. I don’t oppose their opportunities—every child should have freedom in education, a concept broader than free education.

¶ 06 Under President Chandrika Bandaranaike, with Secretary Tara de Mel, general education reforms were introduced; many here know what happened. Some Members here marched and faced tear gas in 2000 against reforms. In 2007, all universities saw student protests against curriculum reforms. The wealthy went to private or foreign universities; lower-income majority were left alone in national universities. Former Inter University Student Federation members now in this House should search their conscience: how much is the country paying today because we blocked reforms then? How many children of today’s frontbenchers study abroad? Yet they opposed private and foreign universities then. Meanwhile, our graduates without degrees or with mismatched degrees are stranded.

¶ 07 Second: You, Hon. Prime Minister, spoke on Women’s Day about the value of free education. I agree it is vital—from primary to A/L to university and technical college. But when 150,000 pass A/L annually, how many enter university? We must focus on that. I say: education freedom is more important than free education. We must guarantee parents’ and students’ right to the freedom of education.

¶ 08 Third: On numbers—about 150,000 pass A/L each year, but only about 44,000 can be admitted. The highest admissions were during 2015–2019 Yahapalana period: from about 32,000 in 2018 increased to 41,700 by 2020. You said it was irregular; I say it was targeted to employment.

¶ 09 It would be ideal if Government could educate all 150,000 in state universities, but practically we cannot—budget limits in a cash-strapped country. Thus we must understand the problem better.

¶ 10 Also, the State spends roughly Rs. 5.5 million per medical graduate, Rs. 3.1 million per law graduate, and Rs. 1.4 million per arts graduate. A conceptual question: if you give that sum to each A/L passer and let them choose, would they pick a state university, a private university, or a foreign university? We must reflect.

¶ 11 Students who pass O/L and go to A/L—do they have freedom to choose preferred streams? Some schools lack teachers or space; time tables dictate choices, curtailing freedom. Likewise at university—do they get their preferred subjects? Frankly, educational freedom is constrained.

¶ 12 Free education, as envisaged by Kannangara, is precious and lifted the nation. But today the debate is beyond free education—how to ensure freedom in education. Stop politically instigating university students; ensure every child can study preferred subjects and attend preferred state, private or foreign university. Guarantee higher education access for all A/L passers, rich or poor.

¶ 13 On 6% of GDP for education—many have spoken. I must recall Dr. Janaki Jayawardena, who devoted herself to this cause. May she attain Nibbana. You, Hon. Prime Minister, marched then with her. Now you hold the premiership; she is no more. Those like Janaka (Kelaniya) and Sisitha (Ruhuna) who sacrificed for 6% look to you now to realize it. Please focus on these.

¶ 14 Also, give FUTA an opportunity to meet. They say while accepting the salary increase, earlier allowances should continue—please discuss and resolve.

¶ 15 On higher education, the 1978 Act has been attempted to amend about five times but each time universities were shut and protests erupted. The 1978 Act has reached its limit. I propose you amend it comprehensively and bring a law suited to our country and students.

¶ 16 Fifth: vocational education. I want to focus on closing the zero skill gap—providing education aligned to jobs. Technical Colleges and vocational institutes are where most students gain employable qualifications. During 2017–2019, admissions and progress increased, but in 2020, under President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, things stalled. Please restart and advance these programmes.

¶ 17 I also seek a clear answer: the previous Government brought about six draft Bills related to education. Will you continue, amend, or replace them? If changes are for the betterment of people and education, we pledge support.