The Hon. Sivagnanam Shritharan

¶ 01 Even though the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP/NPP) has transformed today, your armed attempts in 1971 and later in 1989 were defeated. Yet with steadfast resolve and political programmes taken to the people, after a very long interval — specifically, after 53 years — you have democratically secured a decisive majority across Sri Lanka. That is a historic marker. Similarly, we too undertook an armed liberation struggle when our democratic struggle for rights was blunted, blocked, and violently repressed at gunpoint. Our youth were compelled to take up arms. In that way, like you, we have a long history of struggle spanning over 80 years as a people — and we remain in a position where our rights are still not secured.

¶ 02 On 21 November, in his Throne Speech to this august Assembly, the Hon. President did not utter even a word on the national question — a matter that has run like a subterranean current through this country for 80 years. I must place my concern on record. The late Hon. R. Sampanthan served as the Parliamentary Group Leader of the Tamil National Alliance from 2004 until mid-2024 — 20 years. Following his demise, I have assumed the Parliamentary Group Leadership of our party in this Tenth Parliament. As a party leader elected by the people, and as the party’s Parliamentary Leader, I consider the absence of any reference in the Throne Speech to efforts to resolve the Tamil people’s political question to be deeply unfortunate.

¶ 03 Why has this country accumulated such a crushing debt burden? Why did Sri Lanka fall so far behind, when it could have become a Singapore or a Japan? It is the war you waged against your own brethren and the debts you raised to fight that war which drove the country to bankruptcy. The Throne Speech appeared to gloss over or deny this fundamental truth, and that is disappointing.

¶ 04 When Gotabaya Rajapaksa was elected President in 2019, neither in his Throne Speech in this House nor in his interview to The Hindu did he speak of a political solution for the Tamil people. That evasiveness made him lose identity before the country. Today you hold a majority — 159 seats — and have emerged as a formidable force. We acknowledge that, and we respect the historic fact that, under a proportional system, the NPP has secured the most seats. We accept the democratic verdict and the role played by Sinhala youth and the Sinhala people. We wish to join hands with you for change.

¶ 05 Many who have entered this House through the NPP are well-educated, experienced, and engaged with communities. That is welcome. Like you, we too are a people who faced devastation and lived with tears — a people who suffered immensely in the war waged against the Tamils. With lands yet unreleased, with refugee camps, and shattered livelihoods, we still struggle. Even so, we wish to walk with you. Our people are ready to move towards change. We are not opposed to change or to anyone; we seek to cooperate.

¶ 06 On the national question, Sri Lanka’s history bears many attempts. The Bandaranaike–Chelvanayakam Pact, initiated by a Sinhala statesman who first spoke of a federal political solution, was torn up. Later the Dudley–Chelvanayakam Pact too was shelved. In 1989, the LTTE commenced talks with President Premadasa; those talks were derailed. Talks with President Chandrika Kumaratunga also failed. The 2001 Ceasefire Agreement between Ranil Wickremesinghe and Prabhakaran was significant; talks were held in Geneva, Oslo, and in countries like Thailand and Japan. Yet, each time, disappointment prevailed.

¶ 07 The 1987 Indo–Lanka Accord was brought in to provide a political solution to the Tamil question, but it remains unimplemented. In sum, agreements were either torn up, challenged, or left unimplemented. Today, however, you possess the power to act. When J.R. Jayewardene introduced the 1978 Constitution, he said it could do anything except change a man into a woman, or a woman into a man. In both the 1972 and 1978 Constitutions, Tamil aspirations were not accommodated, nor were they put to a referendum. Now, if you wish to change the Constitution, you have a two-thirds majority in Parliament, but a referendum is required for certain changes. What solution will that path yield for the Tamil people?

¶ 08 Over the long struggle for a political solution, nearly 400,000 Tamils have died; more than 60,000 fighters have fallen; properties worth billions have been destroyed. Having lost so much, we still stand with hope and extend our hand in peace. We wish to live in this country, each people with their own rights and identities — national, ethnic, religious, cultural, linguistic, and territorial. We respect Sinhala identities. Equally, we, an ancient people on this island, seek a modern approach to the 21st century: to chart political changes that recognize that Sri Lanka is a multi-national country. We will join with you to secure our right to language, culture, land, and native homelands, to live together in peace, equality, and equal rights. But equality does not mean denying a nation’s distinct identity. “One country, one language, one nation” cannot be imposed for a single community. In a country of many nations, our long-fought aspirations must be understood.

¶ 09 We speak of reconciliation — not mere handshakes — but reconciliation that does not erase the distinct identity of the Tamil nation. Only by respecting the distinctiveness of the Tamil nation can hope for our shared future take root.

¶ 10 We must leave pre-Christian historical thought and address the national question with modern thinking in the 21st century. The Sinhalese and Tamils are co-owners or co-partners of this island. The Government must adopt a new politics with that spirit. If we are to be indivisible co-partners of this country, our rights must be respected, our nationhood and existence accepted. When Tamils are recognized as a nation, we can build this country together.

¶ 11 Among Sinhala brothers and sisters — especially Sinhala youth — much has changed. I saw social media posts this morning saying, “No to racism,” and I heard the Hon. Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa say action should be taken against racism. We welcome that. Had that been done 80 years ago; had Tamils not been massacred in 1956 in Gal Oya; in 1983 in Colombo and the Up-Country; and in 2009; had equal rights been upheld, racism would not have taken root. We are ready to cooperate to eliminate racism — but not to suppress one another.

¶ 12 How can those who are oppressed and those who oppress live as brothers? In the war, Tamils were killed. If the killer becomes the judge, will there be justice? We are prepared to make concessions. But the path to a political solution for Tamils is long; it cannot be reached in a short time. You have your days cut out to address the economic crisis. Yet only when you earnestly move towards a just political solution will you be able to resolve these issues; only then will true change be reflected. A message must go forth that there are no oppressors or oppressed here. As Abraham Lincoln said, “I will neither be a slave nor a master.” In this land, neither should exist.

¶ 13 I see several Members with leftist thinking. Your Leninism, Marxism, and Mao’s thought stand against oppression and exploitation and uphold the right of self-determination for peoples. Be as Che, Lenin, Engels, and Mao — siding with the oppressed people of the world. It worries us that the President’s Throne Speech did not even mention resolving the plight of a people still suffering.

¶ 14 Hon. Deputy Speaker: Hon. Sivagnanam Shritharan, you have one more minute.

¶ 15 Give me one minute! When Mahinda Rajapaksa was President, under Mr. Sampanthan’s leadership we met him 19 times — nothing happened. During 2015–2019 under the Sirisena–Wickremesinghe Government, an Interim Report was prepared; Parliament sat as a Constitutional Assembly; we had 72 rounds of talks — nothing happened. We have been deceived enough. Please reflect: do not let a people continue in disappointment. You have come to power after 53 years because of your sacrifices and those of 60,000–80,000 Sinhala youth — including the likes of Kataragama’s Manamperi. As your sacrifices have elevated you to the throne, our 60,000-plus fallen and the loss of 400,000 Tamil lives must open the door to our history. With faith that nature will not leave that void unfilled, we keep our doors of peace open to discuss a federal solution, self-government, and a political settlement whereby Tamil people govern themselves. Thank you.