The Hon. Nalin Bandara Jayamaha

¶ 01 Hon. Chairman, I move that under the Appropriation Bill, 2025, at the Committee Stage today, Wednesday 12.03.2025, the recurrent and capital expenditure of each programme under Heads 118, 281, 282, 285 to 289, 292 and 327 relating to the Ministry and its departments and institutions be reduced by Rs. 10 each, in keeping with tradition.

¶ 02 I am pleased to speak on the Estimates of a very important Ministry. There is a well-known saying: “A farmer who washes mud off his hands is fit to be a king.” Speaking of the farmer, I note that a farmer once sent a ruler home. The people took to the streets and ousted a head of state. A key reason the Gotabaya Rajapaksa Government collapsed was the overnight ban on chemical fertilizer by Gotabaya Rajapaksa-Padeniya and the sudden shift to organic farming in 24 hours—overnight—which devastated agriculture. As a result, the Maha harvest dropped by 37% and the Yala harvest by 30%.

¶ 03 Hon. Minister of Agriculture, even today the damage done by Gotabaya Rajapaksa still impacts the sector. Tea yields remain low due to the fertilizer ban over roughly three years. Today there is a coconut shortage as well. Even the State Minister Namal Karunaratne knows this. You too contributed, in your way, to Gotabaya’s advent to power. I must remind you. Those who brought him to power caused the destruction of agriculture and the country’s bankruptcy. You often speak of a 76-year “curse.” Agriculture and irrigation are not part of that curse. Do not drag agriculture and irrigation into your “curse” narrative.

¶ 04 In 1948, the population was 6.5 million. Today it is 23.1 million. Back then our rice production fed only about 35% of that population. By around 2000, we achieved rice self-sufficiency. This began with the Right Honourable D. S. Senanayake. Without him, there would be no Ampara District today. He began restoring the dilapidated tanks in Polonnaruwa—there were only 18 traditional villages then; later many settlers arrived. He is revered as “Minneriya Deviyo.” We must also remember C. P. de Silva, Dudley Senanayake, and Sirimavo Bandaranaike. J. R. Jayewardene created the Accelerated Mahaweli Programme; planning began in 1961. The dry zone covers about 30% of the country; Mahaweli brought water to about 57% of the dry zone, roughly 30% of total land. The primary goal was to transform the dry zone into a productive, cultivable region—not merely generate hydropower. So, Minister Lal Kantha, do not attach agriculture and irrigation to your “70-year curse.” There are many other reasons for our woes.

¶ 05 From a technical standpoint, in 1948 paddy yields were roughly 700–800 kg per acre; today it’s around 3,500 kg. That is not a curse, Hon. Prime Minister. Calling everything a curse insults D. S. Senanayake, Dudley Senanayake, C. P. de Silva, and J. R. Jayewardene. Thanks to these efforts—from Gal Oya onwards—we are rice self-sufficient today.

¶ 06 Look at your policy manifesto “A Prosperous Country – A Beautiful Life.” Does your Budget reflect it? Are the manifesto and Budget aligned? It does not appear so. I suspect the manifesto was drafted at Pelawatte, but the Budget was prepared by Finance Ministry officials from the Ranil Wickremesinghe era. The two do not match. A good example: on page 112 of your manifesto, you state that Sri Lanka will earn Rs. 3 million per acre from agricultural land annually. How? If you, Hon. Chairman, own paddy or upland fields, please explain. Perhaps, in exceptional cases like our best farmer here, Hon. Radhakrishnan, with potatoes, one might reach Rs. 3 million per acre by luck, but the average is nowhere near. Most of our land is paddy land; even with two seasons, you cannot reach Rs. 500,000 profit per acre consistently, let alone Rs. 3 million revenue. If it were true, 600,000 acres would yield over Rs. 1,800 billion—a magic fix for the economy. Clearly, “A Prosperous Country – A Beautiful Life” reads like a fairy tale.

¶ 07 Your manifesto and Budget also omit key allocations. Where are funds for crop damage compensation? In 2024, Ranil Wickremesinghe allocated funds. We do not see such allocations now. This “auspicious Budget” of the “revival” era does not open a path to recovery. You said you would make your manifesto a national policy; where is the money? Not even a line on the cover. It’s just empty words.

¶ 08 Now, the monkey census. State Minister Namal Karunaratne has set the 15th as the date. Before deciding on a census, you previously said farmers could “do what is needed” to crop-raiding animals—even “give the shot.” Then you said animals would be trapped and caged—televised for a couple of days—then sterilized. All this before deciding on a census. Now tell us what you will do after the census. Also, who advised you to conduct this monkey census? Many intelligent people call this an utter failure.

¶ 09 This census targets animals that raid farms during the day. But there are nocturnal raiders: wild boar and porcupine. Why are they ignored—because of the NPP? In large holdings—like Hon. Radhakrishnan’s 50–60 acre vegetable farms—night damage by wild boar and porcupine is severe. How will you count animals in five minutes? In Sigiriya? Along Kalawewa bund? Near Dambulla cave temple? In Polonnaruwa ruins? Around Kirivehera in Kataragama? Have you baseline counts?

¶ 10 Census should prioritize real agricultural data: how many chilli farmers, annual chilli area, potato area, carrot area, etc. Also track illegal agri-chemicals coming from India and the number of shops selling them. Build that database. Instead, you tasked the Agriculture Ministry with a wildlife census. This should be under Wildlife and Environment. Other countries use technology and sampling frames to build databases. Your method won’t be even 50% accurate. Adopt a sounder methodology.

¶ 11 On rice shortages: your solution was to import rice. There was a Rs. 60–65 import duty to discourage imports. Historically, in shortages, we reduce that duty. In January 2024, you reduced the Rs. 65 duty to one rupee during a shortage. Then you claimed you kept duties to protect farmers. But in a shortage the farmer has no paddy; only large millers do. You raised the “concessionary” Rs. 220 controlled rice price by Rs. 10 to Rs. 230—benefiting big traders. The non-reduction of the Rs. 65 duty and the Rs. 10 hike both favored large millers, not farmers. You have never made a decision benefiting the farmer. That Rs. 65 duty yielded Rs. 10 billion revenue, but policy should have aimed at lowering market prices during a shortage, forcing big millers to reduce prices too.

¶ 12 On irrigation, the North Western Canal Project (Wayamba Ela): about Rs. 22 billion has been spent, but of the planned 85 km, only about 20–25 km are built. The main intake from Bowathenna to Wemedilla needs a 12 km tunnel, not built; another USD 370 million is needed. Will you find funds to bring water to Wayamba—Polpithigama, and to the State Minister Namal Karunaratne’s area? Please urgently complete the project.

¶ 13 Lastly, eggs. Consumption rose from 100–120 per capita annually to 168–170, which is good—eggs are the cheapest protein. Even at Rs. 50 an egg, it’s fine if we protect the industry. Farm-gate is Rs. 25–28. But you imposed VAT on eggs. Why? What value addition are you taxing? Most eggs go unprocessed to retail; only supermarkets have packaging. Remove VAT on eggs.